t/ 


nr 


SPEECH 


HON.  TRUMAN  SMITH,  OF  CONN., 


IN  SUPPORT  OF  THE 


Bill  reported  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  Rusk , of  Texas , from  a Select  Committee , /or  tfte 
construction  of  a Railroad  and  Telegraph  line  from  the 
Mississippi  Valley  to  the  Pacific  Ocean , 

DELIVERED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE,  FEBRUARY  17,  1853. 


Mr.  SMITH  said: 

Mr.  President:  I do  not  know  but  that  this 
subject  has  already  been  sufficiently  discussed  to 
enlighten  the  deliberations  of  the  Senate,  and  to 
conduct  us  to  such  results  as  shall  accord  with 
the  public  interest.  I am  a strong  friend  of  this 
measure,  and  do  not  intend  it  shall  be  killed  off  by 
unnecessary  or  protracted  debate.  If,  therefore, 
the  Senate  will  indicate  a desire  to  bring  the  ques- 
tion at  once  to  the  test  of  a vote,  I will  resume  my 
seat. 

Mr.  GWIN.  Agreed  ! let  us  have  a vote. 

Mr.  COOPER.  I desire  to  address  the  Senate 
on  the  subject,  and  cannot  consent  to  forego  the 
privileges  of  the  floor. 

Several  Senators,  to  Mr.  Smith.  Go  on  ! Go 
on ! 

Mr.  SMITH.  I must,  then,  throw  myself  on 
the  indulgence  of  the  Senate  in  submitting  a few 
remarks,  which  I trust  will  be  accorded  to  me,  if 
for  no  other  reason,  in  consideration  of  the  fact 
that  I seldom  obtrude  myself  on  the  notice  of  this 
body,  and  never  except  to  discuss  some  matter  of 
practical  importance.  I have  taken  no  part  in 
JZ  the  discussion  of  a variety  of  questions  which  have 
fsj  been  raised  here  touching  our  foreign  relations, 
i0  and  which  have  occupied  a large  portion  of  our 
— time  during  the  present  session,  to  the  exclusion 
y of  this  and  other  matters  deeply  concerning  the 
^ welfare  of  the  American  people.  But  though  we 
7*.  are  brought  very  late  to  an  examination  of  this 
i bill,  I hope  enough  of  time  and  opportunity  re-, 
ip  mains  to  enable  us  to  make  an  enlightened  and' 
proper  disposition  of  the  question  before  us.  And 
what,  sir,  is  that  question  ? It  is  whether  we  shall 
ynow  adopt  a measure  commended  to  our  confi- 
■^aence  by  the  deliberations  of  some  of  the^ablest 
^nd  most  experienced  members  of  this  body. 

— I confess,  Mr.  President,  I have  concluded, 
Ocontrary  to  my  first  impression,  that  it  is  my  duty 
to  acquiesce  in  the  result  of  those  deliberations,  and 
.pogive  the  bill  before  us,  with  slight  exceptions, 
-Fmy  cordial  support.  It  is  true  I did,  very  early 
ypin  the  debate,  express  the  opinion  that  it  would 
-Mbe  impracticable,  during  the  present  short  session, 
so  to  arrange  and  settle  the  general  plan  and  de- 
CTtails  of  a bill  as  that  it  would  command  the  sup- 
P“port  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress.  I therefore 
' --'insisted  that  nothing  more  could  be  done  than  to 
"'"Ynake  provision  for  such  surveys  and  explorations 
^•as  would  be  required  for  a proper  and  just  appre- 
ciation of  the  subject  by  the  next  Congress.  But 
the  Select  Committee,  at  the  head  of  which  my 
honorable  and  excellent  friend,  the  Senator  from 


Texas,  [Mr.  Rusk,]  has  been  placed,  has  satisfied 
me  that  I was  mistaken.  They  have  brought  be- 
fore us  a bill  which  seems  to  me  to  have  been  well 
considered,  and  to  be  substantially  right,  both  in 
its  general  plan  and  details.  I am,  therefore,  for 
pressing  this  bill  to  a vote;  I am  for  taking  the 
judgment  of  the  Senate  on  the  subject,  and  let 
those  incur  the  responsibility  who  would  defeat 
the  measure  and  postpone  even  the  commence- 
ment of  this  work  for  two  years  longer.  Be  it 
remembered,  if  we  do  not  act  now,  no  bill  can 
be  got  through  the  next  Congress  until  July  or 
August,  1854,  and  that  little  or  nothing  can  be 
done  to  advance  the  measure  until  the  spring  of 
1855.  Hence,  sir,  I rejoice  at  the  success  of  the 
committee,  and  I desire  to  proffer  to  them  my  cor- 
dial thanks  for  their  indefatigable  labors.  If  noth- 
ing is  now  done  on  this  important  subject, jno  one 
can  think  of  laying  the  blame  at  their  door. 

I repeat,  Mr.  President,  I consider  this  bill  sub- 
stantially right.  I do  not  mean  that  either  the 
general  plan  or  details  are  such  as  I wot^d  have 
proposed,  I suppose  if  every  honorable  member 
were  to  be  charged  with  a subject  like  this,  sus- 
ceptible of  an  infinite  variety  of  plans  and  details, 
each  would  adopt  a measure  having  a specific 
character,  and  differing  from  that  of  every  other 
member.  If  we  are  to  wait  until  every  member 
has  before  him  exactly  the  scheme  he  would  pre- 
fer, we  should  wait  until  the  end  of  time.  I feel 
myself  under  an  obligation  to  lay  aside  my  pre- 
ferences and  my  notions  of  what  would  be  best  in 
dealing  with  such  a subject.  If  I can  find  in  the 
bill  a plan  that  is  practicable,  and  which  does  not 
compromit  any  great  public  interest,  or  violate  any 
fundamental  principle,  it  will  be  enough  for  me. 

I shall  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  accord  to  it  my 
support. 

And  what,  Mr.  President,  is  the  object  contem- 
plated by  this  bill,  and  what  is  the  scheme  by 
which  that  object'is  to  be  reached?  The  former 
is  one  of  the  most  magnificent  which  could  be  pro- 
posed to  an  American  Senate,  being  no  less  than 
the  establishment,  of  a railroad  and  telegraphic 
communication  between  the  navigable  waters  of 
the  Mississippi  river,  or  one  of  its  tributaries,  and 
those  of  the  Pacific  coast,  and  this,  too,  wholly 
within  our  own  territory — an  enterprise  of  vast 
magnitude,  which,  when  accomplished,  cannot  fail 
to  produce  results  of  infinite  consequence  to  our- 
selves, and  to  the  world.  The  scheme  is  a mode- 
rate one.  It  does  not  involve  an  appropriation  of 
any  considerable  amount  of  the  public  treasure,  and 
certainly  no  part  of  the  public  domain  now  of 


f 

r 


2 


much  value,  and  yet  it  holds  out  such  encourage-  |[ 
ments  for  the  investment  of  private  capital,  and  the 
enlistment  of  private  enterprise,  as  to  make  the 
execution  of  the  work,  within  a reasonable  period, 
morally  certain.  The  bill  sets  aside  $20,000,000 
for  this  work,  to  be  advanced  as  it  progresses,  and  I 
grants  in  the  States  alternate  sections  of  the  public 
lands,  on  each  side  of  the  road,  for  six  miles  in 
width,  and  in  the  Territories,  for  twelve  miles  in 
width.  It  makes  it  the  duty  of  the  President,  after 
obtaining  the  requisite  information,  to  fix  the  ter- 
mini and  general  course  of  the  road,  and  then  di- 
rects him  to  enter  into  a contract,  after  public 
notice,  with  the  lowest  bidders,  for  the  construc- 
tion of  the  road  and  telegraphic  line,  with  regu- 
lations and  details  which  need  not  be  specified. 
The  contractors  are  to  own  the  road  and  line,  and 
to  levy  tolls  subject  to  the  supervision  and  control 
of  Congress  to  a certain  extent,  and  are  to  sur- 
render them  up  to  the  United  States  at  the  end  of 
thirty  years,  should  Congress  so  elect  on  terms 
which  would  seem  to  be  equitable  and  just.  In 
the  mean  time,  they  are  to  be  subjected  to  such 
burdens  by  the  free  transportation  of  the  mails, 
and  the  officers,  troops,  and  property  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  as  are  likely,  in  course  of  thirty  years,  j 
to  be  more  than  an  equivalent  for  the  money  ad-  i 
vanced  and  the  land  granted.  The  bill  also  con-  ; 
fers  on  the  contractors  corporate  powers,  which  | 
would  seem  to  be  quite  important,  if  not  indispens-  ; 
able,  to  a proper  execution  of  the  contract,  the  ! 
convenience  of  the  parties,  and  the  safety  of  the 
capital  to  be  advanced  by  them. 

To  this  bill  the  honorable  Senator  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Brodhead]  has  proposed  an  amend- 
ment, the  only  effect  of  which  will  be  to  adjourn  ( 
over  the  whole  project  for  an  indefinite  period.  He 
moves  to  strike  out  the  enacting  clause,  and  to  sub-  | 
stitute  a provision  for  such  explorations  and  sur- 
veys, by  and  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  as  he  may  deem  advisable  to  ascertain  the 
most  practicable  and  economical  route,  for  a rail- 
road from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Pacific;  and  also 
a further  provision  authorizing  and  requiring  the 
Secretary  to  receive  proposals  from  individuals  or 
associations,  for  the  construction  of  the  road,  to  be 
laid  before  Congress  at  its  next  session. 

This  amendment,  Mr.  President,  will,  if  adopt- 
ed, be  in  substance  a rejection  of  the  bill,  and  a 
repudiation  of  the  labors  of  the  committee.  It  is 
certain,  that  if  we  are  to  have  a thorough  explora- 
tion and  survey  of  all  the  various  routes,  and  the 
costs  of  each  precisely  ascertained  so  that  we  may 
determine  which  is  the  most  practicable  and  eco- 
nomical, as  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  the 
action  of  Congress,  the  work  cannot  be  commenced 
in  many  years. 

The  honorable  Senator  would  seem  to  contem- 
plate a survey  of  all  possible  routes,  and  of  all 
possible  modifications  of  each  route,  for  in  no 
other  way  can  the  question  of  comparative  prac- 
ticability and  economy  be  settled.  Of  course  he 
must  cause  a survey  to  be  made  by  way  of  the 
South  Pass  to  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Colum- 
bia, if  not  to  Puget’s  Sound,  and  then,  also,  by  the 
same  pass,  to  San  Francisco.  He  must  cause  a 
survey  to  be  made  by  way  of  New  Mexico  and 
Walker’s  Pass,  to  the  Pacific;  and  then  he  must 
take  up  each  of  these  general  routes,  and  examine 
all  the  various  modifications  which  may  be  sug- 
gested. He  must  also  ascertain  what  is  the  num- 
ber of  square  yards  of  embankments,  excavations, 
and  masonry,  which  would  be  required  on  each 
route,  together  with  the  cost  of  viaducts,  depots, 
and  other  structures,  indispensable  to  the  proper 
working  of  a railroad.  He  would  be  obliged  to 


organize  several  corps  of  engineers,  and  employ 
them  on  different  parts  of  the  work,  and  each 
would  have  to  be  protected  by  detachments  from 
the  Army.  How  long  would  it  take  to  execute 
such  a work,  and  what  amount  of  expenditure 
would  be  required  ? 

Fortunately,  we  have  the  lights  of  experience 
to  guide  us.  On  the  30th  of  May  next  it  will  be 
four  years  since  we  commenced  running  the  bound- 
ary between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  in  con- 
formity with  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo. 
The  work  has  not  been  finished  to  this  day,  and 
has  cost  us  half  a million  of  dollars;  and  yet 
at  least  one  half  of  that  boundary  consisted  of 
rivers;  and  with  respect  to  the  other  half  we  had 
nothing  to  do  but  to  draw  a line  from  point  to 
point  on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  mark  it  by 
suitable  monuments.  How  infinitely  more  vast 
is  the  undertaking  proposed  by  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator! Estimates  of  embankments,  excavations, 
masonry,  and  other  matters  appertaining  to  a rail- 
road, would  be  found  to  be  quite  a different  affair 
from  merely  settling  a line,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
United  States  and  Mexico.  I verily  believe  the 
surveys  that  would  be  necessary  to  enable  Con- 
gress to  determine  which  is  the  most  practicable 
and  most  economical  route  would  require  more 
time  and  a larger  expenditure  of  money  than  the 
construction  of  the  road  itself. 

But*  the  honorable  Senator  [Mr.  Brodhead] 
requires  the  Secretary  of  War  to  receive  proposals 
for  the  construction  of  a road  from  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  to  lay 
them  before  Congress  at  the  next  session.  How 
can  proposals  be  made  when  the  honorable  Senator 
does  not  condescend  to  inform  us  how,  when,  or 
where  this  road  is  to  be  constructed  ? He  does  not 
say  whether  it  is  to  be  a road  to  the  Columbia 
river  or  to  San  Francisco,  or  if  to  the  latter  point, 
whether  it  shall  have  its  course  through  the  South 
Pass  or  by  New  Mexico; — whether  its  eastern 
terminus  shall  be  on  the  Mississippi  or  at  some 
point  in  the  western  boundary  of  Arkansas,  Mis- 
souri, or  Iowa; — whether  it  is  tb  be  a road  with 
a single  or  double  track,  nor  whether  it  shall  be 
finished  in  five  years  or  twenty-five.  The  idea  of 
getting  any  valuable  information  for  the  guidance 
of  Congress  in  this  strange  way,  cannot  of  course 
| be  seriously  entertained  by  one  so  eminently  prac- 
tical as  the  honorable  mover.  Without  intending 
any  disrespect  to  the  Senator,  I have  to  say  I con- 
; sider  his  proposition  a mere  evasion  of  the  question 
j before  us.  I think  it  would  be  better  to  reject  the 
bill  at  once,  than  to  adopt  a measure  so  utterly  fu- 
tile and  impracticable.  I understood  him  to  avow, 

! with  a commendable  frankness,  that  his  object  is  to 
j defeat  the  bill;  but  I think  it  would  be  more  manly 
' and  more  statesmanlike  to  defeat  it  by  a direct  and 
| positive  negation,  rather  than  by  a substitution 
which  on  its  face  amounts  to  nothing  and  can  come 
! to  nothing. 

Without  dwelling  any  further  on  the  substitute 
; which  has  been  offered  by  the  honorable  and  very 
worthy  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  I proceed  to 
say  that  there  are  three  different  methods  which 
can  be  adopted,  to  provide  for  the  construction  of 
this  work.  The  first  is  to  make  it  exclusively  a 
Government  work,  to  be  executed  by  the  national 
Executive,  in  conformity  with  the  directions  of 
Congress,  and  at  the  proper  cost  of  the  national 
Treasury.  It  is  believed  that  great  advantages 
would  attend  this  plan,  provided  the  contract 
system  be  adopted,  and  the  contractors  be  compen- 
sated in  part  out  of  the  public  domain.  The  con- 
tract system  would,  in  my  judgment,  oe  indispen- 
sable to  a proper  economy.  If  it  were  executed 


3 


after  the  fashion  of  the  Cumberland  road,  I do  not 
hesitate  to  say  it  would  cost  three  or  four  times  as 
much  as  it  ought  to  cost.  But  by  letting  the  road 
out  in  sections  to  the  lowest  bidders,  I suppose  the 
outlay  could  be  brought  within  reasonable  limits, 
and  would  not  greatly  exceed  the  cost  of  roads 
constructed  by  private  enterprise  and  capital  in 
various  parts  of  the  country.  If,  then,  we  were  to 
add  compensation  in  part  from  the  public  domain, 
in  the  usual  manner,  the  requisitions  on  the  Treas- 
ury would  be  reduced  so  low  that  they  could  be 
promptly  met  without  serious  inconvenience  to 
any  branch  of  the  public  service.  But  this  scheme 
is  not  now  before  us,  and  therefore  I need  not 
dwell  on  it  further. 

A second  method  would  be  to  make  the  con- 
struction of  the  road  exclusively  a private  under- 
taking, and  to  put  the  work  into  the  hands  of  such 
citizens  as  may  be  disposed  to  furnish  the  requisite 
capital,  and  would  execute  the  work  on  the  most 
favorable  terms  for  the  public;  leaving  it  to  their 
own  sagacity  and  sense  of  interest  to  fix  its  termini 
and  general  course,  together  with  all  the  details  of 
location,  makingthem  such  compensation  in  land, 
or  money,  or  both,  as  may  be  deemed  adequate, 
just,  and  equitable.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  what- 
ever would  be  best  for  the  stockholders  in  respect 
to  the  location  and  general  course  of  the  road, 
would  be  quite  likely,  nay,  morally  certain,  to  ac- 
cord with  the  public  interests.  The  sagacity  and 
shrewdness  of  private  enterprise  would  be  no  un- 
safe arbiter  of  questions  which  it  might  be  diffi- 
cult to  settle  in  the  two  Houses  of  Congress. 

The  third  method  is  the  one  which  we  have  be- 
fore us;  it  is  the  intermediate  method,  where  gov- 
ernmental control  and  capital  is  combined  to  some 
extent  with  individual  control  and  capital.  The 
Government  is  to  fix  the  termini  of  the  road,  and 
its  general  course  throughout,  and  the  details  of  lo- 
cation and  execution  of  the  work  is  to  be  confided 
to  such  citizens  as  may  be  disposed  to  furnish  the 
capital  requisite  for  the  consummation  of  this  great 
enterprise.  I nged  not,  Mr.  President,  enter  into  a 
comparison  of  these  three  methods.  The  honor- 
able committee  have  seen  fit  to  adopt  the  last,  and 
I can  see  no  superior  advantages  in  either  of  the 
two  former  to  induce  me  to  reject  the  latter.  I 
therefore  have  made  up  my  mind  to  support  it. 

But  there  are  some  objections  which  have  been 
made  to  this  plan,  which  I wish  to  notice  briefly. 
They  have  been  examined,  and  as  I humbly  con- 
ceive, refuted  with  signal  ability  by  my  honorable 
and  excellent  friend,  the  Senator  from  Tennessee, 
[Mr.  Bell,]  who  has  just  resumed  his  seat. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  honorable  Senators,  and 
among  others  the  honorable  Senator  from  South 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Butler,]  to  whose  opinions  I have 
ever  been  disposed  to  listen  with  deference  and 
respect,  that  this  bill  proposes  to  confer  on  the  Ex- 
ecutive, or  the  chief  of  the  incoming  Administra- 
tion, a power  which  is  unprecedented  in  the  history 
of  the  country.  I fully  admit  the  extent  and  mag- 
nitude of  the  power  proposed  to  be  conferred.  To 
fix  the  termini  of  this  road,  and  to  lay  down  or 
establish  its  general  course,  is  to  decide  questions 
which  deeply  concern  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
country;  and  yet  I cannot  see  how  we  can  do 
better  than  to  place  the  disposition  of  these  ques- 
tions in  the  hands  of  the  Executive.  I think  we 
can  do  so,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
with  safety  and  propriety. 

I am  apprehensive,  Mr.  President,  that  I shall 
be  obliged  to  pay  a poor  compliment  to  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress,  for  I am  constrained  to  say, 
as  the  result  of  many  years’  observation,  that  I 
have  as  much  confidence  in  the  impartiality,  sound 


! 


discretion,  and  high  sense  of  patriotism  and  duty, 
of  the  President  elect — nay,  a good  deal  more — 
than  I have  in  the  collective  judgment  and  wisdom 
of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress.  I am  not  among 
those  who  share  the  responsibility  of  his  elevation 
to  the  Presidency.  I supported,  with  whatever 
of  effort  I was  capable,  another  citizen,  who  had 
rendered  his  country  services  such  as  no  man 
now  living  can  boast  of,  and  who,  I thought,  by 
his  great  experience,  his  generous  and  patriotic 
course,  his  unspotted  life,  and  his  transcendent 
abilities,  was  entitled  to  fill  the  chief  executive  of- 
fice. But  my  wishes,  my  opinions,  and  my  efforts, 
were  overruled,  and,  like  a good  citizen,  I cheer- 
fully acquiesce  in  the  result.  The  President  elect 
has  received  a high  expression  of  the  confidence 
of  his  countrymen.  The  North  and  the  South, 
the  East  and  the  West,  supported  him  with  unex- 
ampled unanimity,  and  it  is  my  sincere  desire 
that  his  Administration  may  be  successful — may 
conduce  to  the  prosperity  of  the  American  people, 
and  to  the  success  of  our  free  system  of  govern- 
ment. I shall  oppose  to  that  Administration  no 
factious  opposition,  and  shall  be  governed,  on 
all  occasions,  by  a proper  sense  of  right  and  of 
duty. 

And  what,  after  all,  is  this  power  to  be  vested 
in  the  hands  of  the  Executive,  which  some  honor- 
able Senators  seem  to  suppose  so  tremendous? 
Why  may  we  not  confide  it  to  the  Executive, 
and  where  is  the  hazard  ? Do  we  not  at  every 
session  appropriate  from  forty  to  fifty  millions  of 
dollars  for  various  branches  of  the  public  service, 
and  is  not  the  expenditure  of  these  vast  sums  con- 
fided, in  a great  degree,  to  Executive  discretion 
and  Executive  agency  ? 

In  the  present  instance  he  will  have  only  to  fix 
the  termini  and  general  course  of  the  proposed 
road;  and  coming,  as  he  does,  from  New  England, 
from  the  remote  East,  his  mind  will  be  free  from 
all  bias,  and  in  a condition  to  dispose  of  the  ques- 
tion on  its  true  merits.  It  seems  to  bean  assump- 
tion here  that  the  President  is  to  settle  this  matter 
by  his  own  unaided  judgment;  but  it  is  not  so. 
He  will,  in  the  first  place,  have  the  counsel  and 
assistance  of  his  Cabinet,  composed  of  no  less  than 
seven  citizens  of  the  country  (I  shall  venture  to 
presume)  of  high  ability  and  standing.  He  will 
also  have  the  power  to  organize  a board  of  offi- 
cers, if  he  shall  be  pleased  to  do  so.  It  will  be 
his  duty  to  cause  the  surveys  to  be  made  in  ad- 
vance, and  to  obtain  all  the  requisite  information 
to  enable  him  and  those  whom  he  may  call  to  his 
assistance,  to  determine  what  should  be  done.  I 
desire  to  know  whether  results,  such  as  the  Presi- 
dent would  be  likely  to  arrive  at,  with  all  the  sur- 
veys and  explorations  before  him,  and  with  the 
assistance  of  his  Cabinet,  and,  as  the  case  may 
be,  of  a board  of  officers  of  distinguished  ability, 
would  not  be  quite  as  likely  to  accord  with  the 
public  interests  as  any  judgment  we  shall  get 
from  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  ? I hope  I shall 
not  be  considered  out  of  order  when  I say  that  the 
two  Houses  have  reduced  themselves  to  such  a 
state,  that  they  are  competent  to  do  little  more 
than  pass  the  general  appropriation  bills,  and  that 
they  do  after  a sad  fashion.  In  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives I believe  it  is  seldom  in  order  to  do 
what  should  be  done,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
public  business  there  has  to  be  transacted  in  vio- 
lation of  the  rules,  or,  in  other  words,  by  suspend- 
ing them.  Here  we  have  no  previous  question, 
no  means  of  closing  a debate.  Hence  nearly  the 
whole  of  every  session  is  occupied  in  discussing  a 
few  topics,  and  those,  too  frequently , of  no  practical 
importance,  and  much  the  larger  proportion  of  the 


4 


business  before  us  we  are  obliged  to  act  on  with-  I 
out  debate,  or  not  act  on  it  at  all.  We  have  so  | 
much  liberty  of  debate,  that  we  really  have  none 
at  all  as  to  most  of  the  matters  calling  for  the  ac- 
tion of  Congress.  Hence,  after  many  weary 
months  in  listening,  with  what  patience  we  can 
muster,  to  neverrending  disquisitions,  relating  to 
anything  else  than  legitimate  subjects  of  legisla- 
tion, we  find  the  moment  at  hand  when  the  session 
must  be  closed.  We  then  snatch  up  the  appropria- 
tion bills  and  hurl  them  through  the  two  Houses, 
much  as  shot  may  be  thrown  out  of  a shovel.  No- 
body knows  what  they  are,  or  what  they  provide 
for,  unless  the  honorable  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance  of  the  Senate,  and  on  Ways 
and  Means  of  the  House,  be  exceptions.  What 
a rush  do  we  witness,  of  secretaries,  clerks,  and 
messengers,  to  and  from  the  two  Houses,  and  to 
and  from  each  and  the  Executive,  all  in  hot  haste, 
lest  this  or  that  appropriation  should  be  lost  by 
the  advent  of  the  inexorable  hour. 

Now,  suppose  all  the  surveys  and  explorations 
contemplated  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Penn- 
sylvania should  be  made,  and  all  the  different 
routes  estimated,  planned,  and  laid  down  on  maps, 
(the  world  would  hardly  contain  the  books  which 
would  be  written,)  and  the  whole  of  this  vast 
amount  of  information  should  be  pitched  inpj  the  I 
two  Houses  of  Congress,  what  would  become  of 
it?  What  chance  would  there  be  that  the  subject  | 
would  receive  a dispassionate  and  a proper  examin- 
ation? Should  we  not  have  interminable  debates, 
and  either  no  result  or  a very  unfortunate  one, 
rushed  through  on  the  very  heel  of  the  session  ? 
And,  then,  what  heart-burnings,  what  jealousies, 
what  sectional  dissensions  should  we  not  have  ! 
Would  not  the  opponents  of  this  policy,  reinforced 
by  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with  this  or  that 
location,  be  sure  to  defeat  the  whole  scheme?  In- 
deed, on  the  question  whether  the  fixing  of  the 
termini  and  the  general  course  of  the  road  shall  or  I 
shall  not  be  referred  to  the  Executive  Departments, 
depends,  in  my  judgment,  the  question  whether 
we  shall  or  shall  not  have  a railroad  to  the  Pacific. 
The  committee  have  hit  on  the  only  practicable 
scheme.  With  the  President,  there  will  be  a 
proper  sense  of  responsibility,  high  intelligence, 
and  a just  appreciation  of  the  true  interests  of  the 
country.  I am  satisfied  there  will  be  no  want  of 
either  inclination,  ability,  or  effort,  on  the  part  of 
the  incoming  Executive,  to  make  a wise  and  safe 
disposition  of  this  entire  matter.  It  is  possible 
that  a reference  to  the  President  may  cause  a loca- 
tion contrary  to  my  present  impressions  of  expe- 
diency. I prefer  the  route  by  the  South  Pass,  if 
practicable,  because  from  thence  we  can  branch  to 
Oregon;  whereas,  if  the  southern  route  be  taken  ! 
that  will  be  impossible.  But  I am  fora  road  any-  j 
how,  whether  North  or  South.  Besides,  I believe  [ 
we  shall  have  a railroad  within  twenty-five  years, 
between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Columbia  or  Pu- 
get’s Sound.  I believe  it  with  almost  as  much 
confidence  as  1 do  in  my  personal  identity;  and  I j 
do  not  concur  at  all  in  the  opinion  expressed  by  ! 
my  honorable  friend  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr. 
Cooper,]  the  other  day,  that  the  snows  would 
render  a railroad  impracticable  at  the  South  Pass. 
If  such  roads  can  be  worked  to  advantage  in  New 
England,  Canada,  and  even  in  Russia,  in  the 
winter  season,  I am  quite  sure  there  can  be  no  bar- 
rier to  their  use  at  all  times  at  the  point  mentioned, 
and  even  at  a much  higher  latitude. 

It  is  also  insisted  that  it  is  improper  to  pass 
this  bill  for  the  reason  that  the  surveys  and  ex- 
lorations  have  not  been  had  which  have  usually  j 
een  deemed  an  important,  if  not  an  indispensable,  I 


preliminary  to  legislative  action  on  such  a subject. 
If  we  were  about  to  fix  the  termini  and  general 
course  of  the  road,  this  objection  would  have  great 
weight;  but  when  these  points  are  to  be  referred 
to  the  Executive,  and  when  the  bill  directs  these 
very  surveys  and  explorations  to  be  made  as  a 
basis  for  his  decision,  it  obviously  has  no  force. 
I have  already,  in  opposing  the  amendment  of 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr. 
Brodhead,]  stated  fully  my  objections  to  surveys 
and  estimates  in  detail  of  all  the  various  routes, 
and  of  the  modifications  of  each  route  with  a view 
to  comparison,  and  an  accurate  and  precise  calcu- 
lation on  their  economy  or  cheapness.  I say,  if 
this  is  to  be  done,  there  is  not  a Senator  in  this 
Chamber  who  will  live  to  see  the  day  when  the 
work  is  commenced.  I maintain,  moreover,  that 
such  fullness  and  precision  of  survey  and  of  es- 
timates is  wholly  unnecessary.  In  such  a vast 
undertaking,  one  or  two  millions  the  one  way  or 
the  other  is  of  no  importance,  and  it  would  be 
folly  in  the  extreme  to  waste  ten  millions  in  order 
to  save  one  or  two.  With  respect  to  the  practica- 
bility of  the  work,  much  is  already  known.  We 
need , for  example,  no  survey,  to  satisfy  us  that  we 
can  construct  a road  to  the  South  Pass,  and  from 
thence  to  the  eastern  base  of  the  Sierra  Nevada. 
The  assent  from  the  Missouri  to  the  pass  is  so 
very  gradual  as  not  to  be  perceptible  to  the  trav- 
eler; but  when  he  comes  to  test  the  elevation  by 
the  barometer,  he  finds  himself,  if  I do  not  mis- 
recollect  the  figures,  from  six  to  seven  thousand 
feet  above  tide  water. 

Every  one  admits  we  can  build  a railroad  from 
the  Missouri  to  the  Sierra  Nevada,  but  whether 
we  can  get  over  that  mountain  is  a matter  of  doubt. 
The  Sierra  would  have  to  be  explored  through 
several  degrees  of  latitude  and  all  the  passes  care- 
fully examined.  This  would  be  the  only  point  on 
that  route  of  serious  difficulty.  On  the  southern 
route  several  points  would  require  examination. 
It  would  be  necessary  to  examine  the  ridge  be- 
tween the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  or  its  tribu- 
taries and  those  of  the  Rio  Grande;  also  the  ridge 
between  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  those 
of  the  Colorado,  and  also  the  ridge  between  the 
waters  of  the  Colorado  and  those  of  the  San  Joa- 
quin. This  would  involve  an  exploration  of  all 
the  mountain  passes.  Probably  the  grades  would 
have  to  be  ascertained  at  all  the  difficult  points  on 
each  route,  and  then  the  question,  whether  of  prac- 
ticability or  economy,  must  be  decided  either  by 
Congress,  or,  as  proposed  in  this  bill,  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive. I believe  all  the  information  requisite  to 
a proper  disposition  of  the  subject  could  be  ob- 
tained in  a single  season,  and  then  we  can  com- 
mence the  construction  of  the  road  at  an  early 
day.  Having  determined  on  the  point  of  depart- 
ure and  the  general  course  of  the  road,  the  sur- 
veys and  estimates  in  detail  can  then  be  made  with 
safety,  economy,  and  dispatch.  You  will  need 
no  detachments  of  the  Army  to  protect  your  sur- 
veyors. Large  bodies  of  men  will  be  employed 
on  the  road,  who  will  hold  in  check  and  probably 
keep  at  a distance  the  savages  of  those  regions. 
It  will  be  necessary  ordinarily  to  survey  only 
one  or  two  hundred  miles  in  advance  of  the  road 
as  it  progresses,  and  then  the  road  itself  will  facil- 
itate the  passage  of  the  surveyors  to  and  fro,  and 
the  transportation  of  their  supplies,  and  this  will 
greatly  reduce  the  expenses  of  the  operation.  In- 
deed it  is,  in  my  judgment,  indispensable  that  sur- 
veys and  construction  should  go  forward  at  the 
same  time,  and  in  no  other  way  could  the  former 
be  accomplished  without  an  enormous  outlay. 
Every  one  must  see  at  a glance  that  the  construe, 


5 


tion  of  the  road  in  part  will  greatly  facilitate  sur- 
veys in  advance. 

If,  for  example,  the  President  were  to  decide 
that  the  point  of  departure  should  be  at  or  near 
Independence,  Missouri,  and  if  we  commence  the 
construction,  and  carry  the  road  forward,  say  four 
hundred  miles,  it  is  obvious  that  this  would  aid 
essentially  surveys  for  the  next  one  hundred  miles. 
Probably  the  cost  of  such  survey  would  not  be 
one  tenth  part  what  it  would  be  were  the  work 
undertaken  without  the  aid  of  the  road.  The 
combination,  therefore,  of  the  two  operations  to 
some  extent,  is  indispensable  to  economy  if  not 
practicability.  And  what  is  more,  on  the  plan 
here  advocated,  the  parties  who  make  the  contract 
will  have  to  be  at  all  the  expense  of  these  surveys 
and  estimates  in  detail.  They  need  not  cost  this 
Government  one  penny.  All,  therefore,  we  should 
provide  for,  are  such  explorations  and  surveys  as 
would  enable  the  Executive  to  fix  the  termini  and 
general  course  of  the  road,  and  precise  estimates 
and  calculations,  such  as  are  ordinarily  laid  be- 
fore our  State  Legislatures  in  cases  of  this  sort, 
are  impracticable  and  unattainable.  The  case  is 
a peculiar  one;  the  object  is  to  connect  the  two 
sides  of  a vast  continent,  and  the  intermediate 
space  is  a wilderness  thronged  with  savages.  Ex-  I 
plorations  and  surveys  are  alike  difficult  and  dan- 
gerous, and  to  apply  to  such  a case  the  rules  ordi- 
narily observed  by  our  State  Legislatures,  is 
absurd  and  ridiculous.  The  necessities  of  an  un- 
dertaking so  novel  and  unexampled,  will  furnish 
laws  by  which  we  should  regulate  our  conduct. 

I wish  now,  Mr.  President,  to  assign  briefly  the 
reasons  by  which,  as  1 conceive,  the  policy  of  this  i 
bill  can  be  vindicated.  It  is  not  pretended  that 
either  private  citizens,  or  the  authorities  of  the  ] 
States  through  which  the  road  must  run  in  part, 
can  undertake  its  construction.  The  States  have 
no  power  to  act  in  the  Territories,  and  have  not, 
moreover,  resources  adequate  to  an  enterprise  of  i 
such  vast  magnitude.  The  work,  therefore,  must  | 
be  executed  by  the  authority  of  Congress,  and  at  j 
the  expense  or  the  National  Treasury,  at  least  in 
part,  if  it  is  to  be  executed  at  all. 

I have  then  to  say,  Mr.  President,  in  the  first 
place,  that  the  construction  of  this  road  will  tend 
powerfully  to  develop  the  internal  resources  of 
the  country.  It  will  open  a vast  breadth  of  the 
public  lands,  now  inaccessible,  to  speedy  settle- 
ment. It  will  also  bring  within  our  grasp  the 
mineral  wealth  of  the  remote  interior,  particularly 
in  copper,  and  other  metals  of  great  economic 
value,  to  say  nothing  of  gold  and  silver.  It  is 
well  known  that  there  are  in  New  Mexico,  on  the 
Gila  river,  extensive  and  very  productive  copper 
mines;  and  I was  informed,  not  long  since,  by  an 
intelligent  officer  of  the  United  States  Army,  that  j 
there  are  similar  mines  in  northern  Texas,  j 
Whether  the  road  will,  if  constructed,  take  the 
direction  of  these  mines  I cannot,  of  course,  say, 
but  in  any  event  it  is  highly  probable  that  much 
would  be  gained  to  the  country  by  the  mineral 
developments  which  it  would  occasion  wherever 
located.  I say  nothing  of  the  addition  which  may 
possibly  be  made  to  the  inexhaustible  supplies  of 
the  precious  metals  which  we  already  enjoy.  I 
have,  I confess,  some  serious  misgivings  in  regard 
to  this  business  of  gold  hunting.  I fear  it  is  an  avo- 
cation not  exactly  calculated  to  induce  those  habits 
of  steadiness,  sobriety,  economy,  and  self-denial, 
which  are  important  to  the  well-being  of  society. 
What  our  people  want  is  steady  employment,  and 
moderate  gains.  I indulge,  however,  no  incon- 
siderable hopes  that  the  experience  of  the  world  11 
will  be  reversed  in  California,  and  that  our  citi-  II 


zens  there  will  prove  all  that  the  friends  of  free 
institutions  could  desire. 

I insist,  Mr.  President,  in  the  next  place,  that 
this  road  will  promote  our  internal  trade  and  com- 
merce. Much  of  the  surplus  products  of  the  agri- 
culture of  the  country  will  be  turned  over  this  road 
to  California,  and  thus  the  eastern  markets  will 
be  relieved,  and  agriculture  everywhere  benefited. 
If  we  could  find  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  a mar- 
ket for  the  products  of  even  a few  of  the  western 
States,  it  would  be  an  immense  benefit  to  all  sec- 
tions. The  great  difficulty  with  our  agriculture 
is  over  production.  Any  considerable  surplus  of 
any  crop,  will  frequently  cast  down  its  aggregate 
value  a hundredfold  more  than  the  value  of  the 
surplus  itself;  hence  by  taking  off  from  our  eastern 
markets  some  portion  of  the  pressure  from  the 
West,  by  opening  a vent  in  the  direction  of  the 
Pacific,  we  shall  confer  an  incalculable  benefit  on 
agriculture  in  every  part  of  the  Union.  The  good 
effect  will  be  as  sensibly  felt  in  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina  asin  Illinois  and  Missouri.  It  is  believed, 
also,  that  the  manufacturers  of  the  eastern  and 
middle  States  will  find  a market  for  their  fabrics 
over  this  road.  This  will  certainly  be  true  of  the 
lighter  articles,  as  in  trade  and  business,  speed  and 
I time  are  often  the  great  elements,  and  will  over- 
rule all  other  considerations. 

The  construction  of  this  road  will  facilitate  in  a 
high  degree  intercommunication  between  the  east- 
ern and  western  sides  of  the  continent,  and  will 
save  to  our  people  much  of  time,  money,  and  life. 
A journey  to  and  from  California,  by  way  of  the 
Isthmus,  cannot  now  be  performed  much,  if  any 
j short  of  two  months,  and  the  expenses  amount 
i to  $500  at  least.  The  hazards  to  life  by  that  route 
are  considerable,  but  nothing  in  comparison  with 
I those  of  the  route  direct  across  the  continent. 
Thousands  of  our  citizens  have  been  committed 
to  premature  graves,  in  seeking  new  homes  on  the 
j shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  evidences  of  mortality 
j everywhere  attend  the  footsteps  of  the  traveler 
i from  the  eastern  to  the  western  side  of  the  Rocky 
mountains.  No  doubt  the  saving  to  the  country 
by  means  of  this  road  would  in  all  these  forms  be 
immense.  The  lives  of  virtuous,  intelligent,  and 
upright  citizens  are  inappreciable,  but  we  can 
form  some  idea  of  how  much  would  be  saved  of 
money  and  pf  time,  (which  is  said  to  be  money,) 
when  this  road  shall  be  constructed  and  the  tran- 
sit from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Pacific  can  be  ef- 
fected in  a single  week.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  the  aggregate  would  amount  annually  to  six 
1 per  cent,  interest  on  the  whole  capital  required  to 
build  the  road. 

This  measure,  1 again  remark,  will  contribute 
I powerfully  to  the  extension  of  our  external  trade 
| and  commerce.  It  is  difficult  to  form  now  an  ade- 
| quate  conception  of  the  effect  which  a well-con- 
structed, well-appointed,  and  well-managed  rail- 
road, connecting  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi 
with  those  of  the  Pacific,  would  have  on  the  busi- 
ness relations  of  the  world.  It  would  probably  ere 
long  result  in  a great  commercial  revolution,  and 
make  the  United  States  the  thoroughfare  of  Europe 
in  going  to  and  from  China,  and  other  Oriental 
countries.  Its  tendency  to  build  up  our  commercial 
emporium,  and  to  advance  it  towards  a supremacy 
even  in  competition  with  London,  would  be  great, 
and  might  prove  decisive. 

The  road,  when  constructed,  will  enable  us  to 
bring  into  subjection  the  wild  Indian  tribes  roam- 
ing over  the  interior  of  this  continent,  who  have 
been  for  years  harassing  the  frontiers,  particularly 
j those  of  Texas,  and  doing  infinite  mischief  there 
Hand  elsewhere.  We  shall  also  by  such  means 


6 


find  ourselves  in  a condition  to  fulfill  our  treaty  I 
obligations  to  Mexico  in  respect  to  these  Indians,  j 
to  which  we  have  hitherto  paid  little  attention. 
By  the  eleventh  article  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo,  we  have  bound  ourselves  in  the  most 
positive  and  peremptory  manner,  to  restrain  forci- 
bly the  incursions  of  the  savages  from  the  United 
States  into  Mexico.  I have  before  me  that  article, 
and  it  was  my  purpose  to  read  it  to  the  Senate, 
and  comment  on  it,  as  I do  not  believe  honorable 
Senators  are  aware  how  stringent  its  terms  are, 
and  how  high  the  obligations  which  we  have  as- 
sumed, to  keep  those  Indians  within  our  own 
borders;  but  I will  not  do  so,  as  I wish  to  bring 
my  remarks  to  a conclusion  as  soon  as  possible. 

This  measure  will  greatly  economize  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Departments  of  War  and  Gen- 
eral Post  Office.  It  will  reduce  the  expenses  of 
our  Army,  particularly  in  the  Quartermaster  and 
Commissary’s  Departments.  The  costs  of  trans- 
portation are  now  enormous.  The  troops  are 
largely  employed  far  in  the  interior  of  the  continent, 
many  hundred  miles  beyond  any  railroad  or  water 
communication,  and  all  their  supplies  have  to  be 
dragged  after  them  at  a frightful  expense.  This 
cause  has  contributed  more  than  any  other  to 
swell  the  appropriations  for  the  Army  to  such  an 
enormous  amount.  I intended  to  have  looked  into 
the  particulars,  but  I have  not  had  time  to  do  so. 
No  doubt  the  additions  amount  to  several  millions 
annually,  much,  if  not  all  of  which,  will  be  saved 
by  the  construction  of  this  road;  besides,  there 
will  be  a great  saving  in  the  transportation  of  the 
mail.  A semi-monthly  mail  to  and  from  Califor- 
nia now  costs  us  about  one  million  of  dollars  per 
annum,  which  alone  will  pay  the  interest  on  the 
$20,000,000  to  be  advanced  to  promote  the  road. 
And  then  we  are  to  have  soon  a weekly  mail,  and 
it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  expenditure  for 
the  mail  service  will  for  the  next  two  years  run  up 
to  $1,500,000  per  annum,  not  over  one  third  of 
which  will  be  reimbursed  in  the  form  of  postages. 
Besides,  the  road  will  economize  the  mail  service 
in  California  itself,  and  it  will  expedite  transporta- 
tion both  for  the  Army  and  General  Post  Office 
vastly,  and  thus  much  will  be  gained  to  both 
branches  of  the  public  service.  Be  it  remembered 
that  the  bill  provides  in  express  terms  that  the 
company  who  may  construct  the  road,  “ shall  at 
‘ all  times,  and  as  often  as  required,  transport  on 
4 said  road,  and  every  part  of  the  same,  the  mails, 

4 troops,  seamen,  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy, 

4 officers  and  agents  of  the  Government  and  of  the 
4 Post  Office  Department  while  on  duty,  arms, 

4 ammunition,  munitions  of  war,  Army  and  Navy 
4 stores,  funds,  or  property  belonging  to  the  United 
4 States  free  from  all  charges  to  the  Government, 

4 giving  the  United  States  at  all  times  the  prefer- 
4 ence;”  and  it  provides  also  for  the  free  use  of  the 
telegraphic  line  by  the  United  States.  I do  not 
hesitate  then  to  conclude,  that  in  the  Post  Office 
Department  we  will  save  enough  to  pay  the  inter- 
est on  the  amount  to  be  advanced  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  more  than  enohgh  in  the  Gtuartermaster ’s 
and  Commissary’s  Departments  to  reimburse  the 
principal  long  before  the  bonds  for  $20,000,000 
will  become  due,  if  issued  in  conformity  with  this 
bill.  Nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  this  road 
and  telegraph  line  need  not  cost  the  Government 
one  cent,  while  blessings  and  benefits  will  result 
from  their  construction  in  every  way. 

But  there  are  other  advantages  which  will  accrue 
from  this  great  enterprise:  Should  the  road  take 
its  course  by  the  South  Pass  and  Salt  Lake,  it  will 
give  a permanent  supremacy  to  our  laws  and  Con- 
stitution in  that  part  of  the  continent.  Some  have 


apprehended  (I  trust  without  any  sufficient  rea- 
son) that  a turbulent  and  insurrectionary  power 
is  about  to  spring  up  there,  which  would  erelong 
become  troublesome  to  the  country  and  danger- 
ous to  its  peace.  It  is  certain  that  a few  thousand 
resolute  men,  well  armed,  and  planted  in  the  very 
recesses  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  could  not  be 
reduced  to  subjection  without  enormous  sacrifices 
both  of  life  and  money.  The  necessity  of  any 
such  sacrifices  will  be  obviated  by  the  construc- 
tion of  this  road.  Indeed  its  effect  will  be  to  es- 
tablish such  intimate  relations  between  the  Salt 
Lake  district  and  other  parts  of  the  country  as  to 
obviate  all  danger  of  disloyal  movements  in  that 
quarter,  if  any  such  exist. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  road  should  pass 
through  New  Mexico,  other  advantages  will  re- 
sult, of  little  if  any  less  importance.  It  would  in 
a short  time  work  a great  moral,  intellectual,  and 
political  revolution  in  that  unfortunate  country;  or, 
in  other  words,  it  would  Americanize  New  Mex- 
ico. It  appears  from  the  report  of  Colonel  Sum- 
ner, of  the  United  States  Army,  communicated  to 
Congress  by  the  Secretary  of  War  at  the  present 
session,  that  the  people  there  are  by  idleness,  ig- 
norance, and  vice  reduced  to  the  lowest  stage  of 
degradation  and  infamy.  He  says: 

“ There  is  no  probability  of  any  change  for  the  better. 
Twenty— fifty  years  hence,  this  Territory  will  be  precisely 
the  same  it  is  now.  There  never  can  be  any  inducement 
for  any  class  of  our  people  to  come  here  whose  example 
would  improve  this  people.  Speculators,  adventurers,  and 
the  like,  are  all  that  will  come,  and  their  example  are  rather 
pernicious  than  beneficial. 

“ No  civil  government  emanating  from  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  can  be  maintained  here  without  the 
aid  of  a military  force — in  fact,  without  its  being  virtually  a 
military  government.  I do  not  believe  there  is  an  intelli- 
gent man  in  the  Territory  who  is  not  at  the  present  time  fully 
sensible  of  this  truth.  All  branches  of  this  civil  govern- 
ment have  equally  failed — the  executive  for  want  of  power, 
the  judiciary  from  the  total  incapacity  and  want  of  princi- 
ple injuries,  and  the  legislative  from  want  of  knowledge, 
a want  of  identity  with  our  institutions,  and  an  extreme  re- 
luctance to  impose  taxes ; so  much  so  that  they  have  never 
even  provided  the  means  to  subsist  prisoners,  and  conse- 
quently felons  of  all  kinds  are  running  at  large. 

“The  New  Mexicans  are  thoroughly  debased,  and  totally 
incapable  of  self  government,  and  there  is  no  latent  quality 
about  them  that  can  ever  make  them  respectable  citizens. 
They  have  more  Indian  blood  than  Spanish,  and  are  in 
some  respects  below  the  Pueblo  Indians,  for  they  are  not 
as  honest  or  industrious.  In  this  remark  I allude  to  the 
lower  classes — there  are  some  educated  gentlemen  with  re- 
spectable families;  about  enough  for  magistrates  and  other 
official  persons.  There  is  not  much  increase  in  the  popu- 
lation, owing  to  their  gross  depravity.  I doubt  if  there  is  a 
tribe  of  Indians  on  this  continent  who  are  more  abandoned 
in  their  commerce  between  the  sexes  than  the  great  major- 
ity of  this  people.” 

This  is  certainly  a very  dismal  account  of  the 
state  of  things  in  New  Mexico,  but  not  more  dis- 
mal than  I believe  it  to  be  truthful.  A state  of 
things  which  will  continue  to  the  end  of  time,  un- 
less we  make  the  country  accessible  to  our  people 
by  a railroad.  This  would  work  a speedy  and 
a highly  salutary  revolution.  But  so  long  as  New 
Mexico  remains  in  her  present  situation,  we  shall 
have  a standing  commentary  on  the  folly  of  acquir- 
ing so  remote  a country,  and  of  bringing  under 
our  jurisdiction  a people  so  truly  wretched. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I now  come  to  a consider- 
ation which  I deem  of  high  importance,  and  which 
I would  urge  on  the  particular  attention  of  the 
Senate.  1 maintain  that  the  construction  of  this 
road  is  not  only  important,  but  indispensable  to 
the  defense  of  our  Pacific  possessions.  It  is,  I be- 
lieve, within  the  constitutional  competency  of  Con- 
gress to  carry  a road  through  even  a State  for  this 
purpose.  When  the  case  is  as  urgent  as  the  pres- 
ent, we  can  vindicate  the  work  precisely  for  the 
reasons  which  would  justify  the  erection  of  a fort- 


7 


ress  to  bar  the  entrance  into  the  Bay  of  San  Francis- 
co. It  is  not  only  the  most  effectual,  but  the  cheap- 
est measure  of  defense  which  could  be  adopted. 
What  is  the  condition  of  the  Pacific  coast  now, 
and  what  will  it  continue  to  be  without  a railroad  ? 
Defenseless,  perfectly  defenseless.  And  if  a war 
were  to  break  out  with  any  leading  European 
Power,  how  long  could  we  hold  those  possessions? 
Honorable  gentlemen  seem  to  be  disposed  to  assert 
here  what  they  denominate  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
in  such  a manner  as  would  be  very  likely  to  lead 
to  a war.  If  you  thus  bring  on  a collision  with 
Great  Britain  or  France,  what  would  become  of 
San  Francisco  and  the  other  towns  situated  on 
the  bay  of  that  name?  What  would  become  of 
your  Mint  and  your  navy-yard  ? Sir,  that  bay 
is  left  in  such  a situation  that  a miserable  pri- 
vateer, with  half  a dozen  guns,  could  enter  it  and 
lay  the  city  of  San  Francisco  under  contribution; 
an  inconsiderable  force  could  ravage  the  whole 
coast  of  California.  I do  not  say  they  could  con- 
quer the  State,  but  I do  say  they  could  do  infinite 
mischief.  I want,  therefore,  to  hear  no  more  of 
your  Monroe  doctrine  until  you  have  made  some 
provision  for  the  defense  of  the  Pacific  coast.  I 
am  for  adjourning  over  the  doctrine — Tehuantepec 
and  all  other  topics  of  excitation — until  this  rail- 
road can  be  constructed.  The  latter  would  seem  to 
me  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  the  former. 
Place  us  in  such  a situation  that  we  can  in  one 
month  throw  fifty  thousand  men  on  that  coast, 
and  you  may  explode  your  Monroe  doctrine  in 
face  of  all  Europe,  for  aught  I care.  We  shall  then 
be  in  a much  better  situation  to  defend  than  any 
enemy  can  be  to  assail.  If  we  have  underrated  the 
assailing  force,  the  telegraph  will  flash  the  intelli- 
gence to  Washington,  and  in  ten  days  we  could 
repair  the  error  by  reinforcement.  Indeed  the 
mere  existence  of  the  road  would  obviate  all 
danger  of  attack  by  any  other  than  a naval  force. 
What  European  Power  would  think  of  sending 
an  army  to  the  Pacific,  when  they  knew  that  we 
could  meet  them  with  a force  of  tenfold  power  by 
the  agency  of  the  proposed  railroad  ? To  say  that 
it  is  inexpedient  or  unconstitutional  to  provide  for 
the  emergencies  of  war  by  the  means  proposed,  is 
the  same  thing  as  to  assert  that  the  defense  of  the 
country  is  no  part  of  the  duty  of  this  Government. 
Congress  a few  sessions  since  directed  a dock,  ba- 
sin and  railway  to  be  constructed  at  the  navy-yard 
in  California.  So  that  it  seems  we  have  aright  to 
get  our  ships  on  to  railways.  Why  notour  Army? 

But  there  are  difficulties  likely  to  result  from  a 
war  with  one  of  the  leading  Powers  of  Europe, 
other  than  those  already  alluded  to.  If  we  suppose 
that  we  could  defend  the  city  of  San  Francisco, 
and  protect  our  navy-yard  and  Mint,  it  would 
undoubtedly  be  in  the  power  of  the  public  enemy 
to  blockade  the  whole  coast,  and  cut  off  the  trans- 
mission of  gold  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic. 
A good  deal  has  been  said  in  (he  debates  which  we 
have  had  during  the  session  on  our  foreign  rela- 
tions— about  our  having  Great  Britain  under  bonds 
to  keep  the  peace,  by  means  of  our  cotton  bales; 
but  I would  ask  honorable  Senators  to  look  at  our 
own  condition.  Are  there  not  bonds  for  good  beha- 
vior resting  upon  us,  and  that  too  of  a pretty  seri- 
ous character?  What  if  your  Monroe  doctrine 
should  involve  us  in  a war  with  Great  Britain , and 
she  should,  by  a blockade  of  the  coast,  interrupt 
the  communication  between  California  and  the 
Isthmus,  how  should  we  get  our  regular  supply  of 
gold  ? Or  if  we  should  escape  that  difficulty , and  be 
able  to  land  the  precious  metal  on  the  Isthmus, 
how  could  we  get  it  forward  to  New  York?  Hon- 
orable Senators  have  expressed  a great  deal  of 


alarm  in  regard  to  what  Great  Britain  has  done 
and  may  do  at  the  Bay  Islands,  but  in  my  judg- 
ment, it  is  a question  of  little  importance.  With 
her  ascendency  on  the  ocean,  she  could,  whether 
she  does  or  does  not  hold  those  islands,  cut  off 
all  intercourse  between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic 
coasts,  by  stationing  a superior  force  on  this  or 
the  other  side,  or  on  both;  the  result  will  be  the 
same,  whether  you  have  a route  by  the  Isthmus, 
Nicaragua,  or  Tehuantepec.  Your  communica- 
tions will  be  interrupted  in  the  event  of  a war  with 
a superior  naval  Power,  and  then  what  will  be  the 
condition  of  the  country,  and  what  will  become  of 
our  national  and  commercial  credit?  The  whole  of 
our  currency  and  all  of  our  business  engagements 
and  relations  are  being  constituted  on  the  basis  of  a 
regular  supply  of  at  least  five  millions  of  gold  per 
month  from  California.  Indeed,  the  supply  is  be- 
lieved to  be  much  larger,  as  the  gold  sent  on  freight 
is  understood  to  amount  to  five  millions,  and  it  is 
known  that  a large  amount  reaches  New  York  and 
other  important  points  by  the  hands  of  passengers. 
What  would  •become  of  your  banks  if  this  sup- 
ply should  be  suddenly  cut  off?  They  would, 
every  one  of  them,  be  blown  into  the  air,  and 
commercial  credit  would  receive  such  a shock  as 
has  never  been  witnessed  in  this  country.  The 
very  moment  the  war  broke  out,  our  national  finan- 
ces would  be  thrown  into  disorder  and  confusion, 
and  the  credit  of  the  Government  would  sink 
with  that  of  the  commercial  classes.  This  month- 
ly supply  of  gold  has  got  to  be  just  as  necessary 
to  us  as  the  cotton  bales  are  to  England.  A fleet 
of  steamers  stationed  at  Jamaica  would  effectually 
arrest  the  transmission  of  gold  by  the  Isthmus. 
The  mere  apprehension  of  danger  would  be 
enough.  Suppose  you  were  to  drive  Great  Bri- 
tain out  of  Roatan  and  the  rest  of  the  Bay  Islands, 
will  that  make  your  freights  of  gold  safe  ? W ould 
it  do  to  provoke  her  to  a contest  by  exploding  in 
her  face  a half  dozen  pieces  of  ordnance,  well 
charged  with  the  “Monroe  doctrine?”  Some- 
thing was  said  here,  on  a former  occasion,  about 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  being  a “mare  clausum ” — an 
American  sea.  It  is  a curious  sort  of  “closed 
sea,”  with  Great  Britain  in  possession  of  Jamaica 
and  other  islands  on  one  side  of  it. 

I maintain  that  an  effectual  interruption  of  this 
supply  of  gold,  even  for  a few  months,  would  be 
almost  fatal  to  currency  and  credit.  The  time 
is  near  at  hand  when  California  v/ill  send  us 
$10,000,000  per  month,  and  perhaps  even  more; 
and  the  loss  of  this  supply,  even  for  three  months, 
would  be  most  seriously  felt.  The  Government 
would  be  crippled  at  the  very  outset  of  any  war 
in  which  we  might  be  involved,  and  incapacitated 
in  some  degree  for  sacrifices  and  efforts  such  as  our 
national  honor  and  interests  might  require.  We 
should  be  obliged  to  have  the  gold  any  how,  and 
this  could  only  be  done  by  the  inland  route.  You 
would  be  obliged  to  organize  caravans  for  its  trans- 
mission, which  you  would  have  to  protect  by 
detachments  from  the  Army.  An  escort  of  at 
least  five  hundred  men  would  be  required  to  each 
caravan,  as  fifteen  or  twenty  millions  in  gold 
would  hold  out  temptations  which  might  lead  to 
combinations  and  aggressions  of  a dangerous  char- 
acter. And,  then,  only  think  of  such  a caravan 
“ dragging  its  slow  length  along,  ” over  mountains 
and  deserts,  and  reaching  the  city  of  New  York 
in  about  six  months.  In  the  mean  time,  and  at 
the  very  outset  of  the  war,  all  your  banks  will 
have  been  exploded,  your  merchants  bankrupted, 
commercial  credit  broken  down,  and  alarm  and 
distrust  spread  through  all  departments  of  busi- 
ness, and  all  the  ramifications  of  society.  Prob 


8 


ably  your  Government  would  be  placed  in  such  a 
situation  that  it  could  not  borrow  a dollar.  But, 
whether  this  would  be  so  or  not,  it  is  certain  that 
the  interruption  of  the  supply  at  the  outset  of  a 
war,  even  for  three  months,  would  occasion  disas- 
ters and  losses  to  the  Government  and  people 
more  than  equal  to  the  whole  cost  of  this  road. 
The  regular  transmission  of  this  gold  is  just  as 
necessary  for  the  national  safety  and  defense  as  a 
good  supply  of  powder  and  ball;  and  yet  honor- 
able Senators  tell  us  we  have  no  right  to  construct 
this  road.  One  Senator  has  a stitch  in  his  con- 
science on  the  score  of  constitutionality.  He  denies 
our  power  to  adopt  this  measure,  and  insists  it 
is  violative  of  the  Constitution.  Another  Sena- 
tor has  a stitch  on  the  score  of  expediency,  or 
rather  he  is  for  the  measure  as  highly  wise  and 
proper,  but  not  now;  only  adjourn  it  over  to  the 
next  Congress,  and  let  us  have  the  surveys.  0 ! 
the  surveys!  let  us  have  the  surveys!  But  now 
is  the  hour,  in  my  judgment,  for  taking  the  initi- 
ative in  respect  to  this  great  enterprise,  and  I ask 
it  in  the  name  of  preparation  for  war  which  may 
come,  for  which  we  should  be  prepared.  I ask  it 
as  a measure  having  an  important  bearing  on  credit 
and  currency,  and  as  indispensable  to  both  in  case 
of  a war  with  a superior  naval  power;  and  I ask  it 
that  we  may  be  well  prepared  on  both  coasts  to 
repel  aggression,  and  to  assert  the  rights  and  main- 
tain the  honor  and  the  dignity  of  the  American 
people. 

But  it  must  not  be  inferred  from  these  remarks 
that  I view  war  with  approbation.  I can  hardly 
coneeive  of  a war  short  of  one  strictly  defensive, 
which  I should  look  upon  with  complacency.  1 ' 
think  men  die  fast  enough  anyhow.  There  is  no 
necessity  of  calling  into  requisition  gunpowder  to 
hasten  them  into  eternity.  I am  for  peace  and  for 
cultivating  the  arts  of  peace.  I am  for  construct- 
ing this  railroad  in  order  that  we  may  have  peace. 

I verily  believe  that  the  consummation  of  this  vast 
enterprise  would  do  more  to  cause  us  to  be  re-  ! 
spected,  nay,  to  be  feared  by  the  nations  of  the  | 
earth,  than  the  erection  of  twenty  fortresses,  or 
the  construction  of  forty  ships-of-the-line. 

There  is  another  consideration  to  which  I would  ' 
refer,  and  which,  I doubt  not,  will  be  properly  | 
appreciated  by  the  Senate.  The  construction  of 
this  road  is  indispensable  to  the  consolidation  of 
our  Union,  and  to  bind  the  two  sides  of  the  con- 
tinent together  by  the  strong  ties  of  mutual  de- 
pendence and  reciprocal  interests.  Without  the 
means  of  prompt  and  easy  communication, it  would 
be  better  not  to  have  a country  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  existing  state  of 
things  is  utterly  objectionable.  I was,  in  the  first 
instance,  strongly  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of 
California;  but  as  she  has  been  admitted  into  the 
family  circle,  and  now  constitutes  one  of  the  bright- 
est stars  of  our  national  galaxy,  I am  for  holding 
on  to  her.  I have  no  idea  that  her  people  are  or 
will  be  disloyal  to  our  Union,  but  I wish  to  estab- 
lish more  intimate  relations  between  her  and  her 
sister  States — those  of  immediate  vicinage,  and  that 
a railroad  will  do.  When  this  is  done,  no  centrif- 
ugal force  can  throw  her  out  of  her  orbit,  but  she 
will  maintain  her  proper  place  in  our  system,  and 
will  revolve  around  the  common  center  to  the  end 
of  all  time.  Besides,  how  is  this  General  Govern- 
ment to  exercise  its  functions  in  California  with- 
out this  railroad,  whether  in  war  or  peace?  Sup- 
pose there  is  an  incursion  of  savages  upon  the 
people  of  some  part  of  that  State,  and  it  becomes 
necessary  to  repel  them.  Suppose  the  officers  of 
the  Army  or  Indian  agents  need  instructions  from 


I the  Executive  at  Washington,  how  are  they  to 
j obtain  them?  Why,  it  requires  two  sea-voyages 
to  get  the  information  to  Washington,  and  two 
more  to  get  the  instructions  back,  taking  up,  I 
suppose,  from  two  to  three  months. 

Again;  suppose  there  is  an  insurrection  in  Cal- 
ifornia, or  a sudden  attack  by  some  foreign  foe, 
would  there  not  be  a necessity  for  means  of  im- 
mediate communication  with  the  General  Govern- 
ment? Suppose  some  doubt  should  arise  at  San 
Francisco  in  respect  to  the  construction  of  your 
revenue  laws.  A cargo  of  goods  arrives,  and  the 
collector  is  of  the  opinion  it  should  pay  one  rate 
of  duty,  and  the  owner  insists  on  a lower  rate,  and 
the  collector  desires  the  instructions  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  on  the  subject,  would  not 
the  delay  of  two  voyages  by  sea  to  reach  Wash- 
ington, and  two  to  get  back,  be  intolerable?  Would 
it  not  be  ruinous  to  all  concerned  ? How  are  your 
post  office  laws  to  be  administered  in  California? 
How  are  you  to  administer  this  Government  there 
at  all,  without  this  railroad  ? If  the  collector  of 
San  Francisco  should  die,  how  long  must  busi- 
ness be  interrupted  before  his  place  can  be  filled  ? 
If  a judge  should  die,  how  long  must  the  court  be 
closed  and  justice  delayed  ? Nothing  can  be  more 
embarrassing  than  the  dispensation  of  patronage 
in  California  on  account  of  the  distance.  It  is 
almost  impossible  to  get  reliable  information,  and 
this  the  present  Administration  have  experienced 
to  their  sorrow.  If  the  distinguished  gentleman 
who  is  coming  here  soon  to  stand  at  the  head  of 
the  Government  does  not  encounter  similar  diffi- 
culties, I shall  be  greatly  disappointed.  I main- 
tain that  such  a state  of  things  is  intolerable,  and 
I think  we  should  not  occupy  ourselves  with  any 
miserable  controversy  about  the  Bay  Islands  or 
Tehuantepec,  but  should  at  once  take  hold  and 
construct  this  railroad  as  a sovereign  remedy  for 
all  the  evils  here  adverted  to.  I want  no  railroad 
over  foreign  countries,  unless  it  be  for  temporary 
purposes.  1 am  for  an  American  railroad,  to  be 
constructed  on  American  soil,  by  the  enterprise 
and  capital  of  the  American  people. 

Sir,  I have  occupied  more  of  the  time  of  the  Sen- 
ate than  I intended,  but  have  abbreviated  my  re- 
marks as  much  as  possible.  1 have  given  a mere 
outline  of  ideas,  some  of  which  may  not  have  oc- 
curred to  honorable  Senators.  I now  leave  the 
subject  in  the  hands  of  the  Senate.  I hope  we 
shall  have  a vote  on  it  speedily.  1 hope  the  bill 
will  pass  the  Senate,  even  if  it  does  not  pass  the 
House.  Should  it  fail  to  become  a law  at  this 
session,  I hope  the  subject  will  be  resumed  at  the 
next,  at  the  earliest  practicable  day.  I have  two 
years  more,  if  my  life  is  spared,  to  remain  a mem- 
ber of  this  body,  and  if  this  measure  is  not  now 
consummated,  I will  consecrate  whatever  energies 
I may  have,  and  whatever  ability  I can  command, 
to  its  prosecution  at  the  next  Congress.  I have 
also  to  say  to  the  honorable  Senator  from  Texas, 
[Mr.  Rusk,]  who  has  so  intelligently , patriotically , 
and  ably  advocated  this  bill,  that  I will  then  stand 
by  him,  and  go  with  him,  hand  to  hand  and  shoul- 
der to  shoulder,  in  efforts  to  carry  through  the 
Senate  the  proper  legislation  on  this  subject.  I 
demand  the  construction  of  this  railroad  as  a great 
American  measure — as  one  which  is  called  for  by 
many  weighty  considerations — as  necessary  to 
enable  this  Government  to  exercise  its  proper 
functions  in  time  of  peace  and  indispensable  to 
both  sides  of  the  continent  in  time  of  war,  and  as 
adapted  in  a high  degree  to  promote  the  stability 
of  our  glorious  Union,  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
whole  people. 


